• Disability Rights with Peter Blanck

    Sixty-one million Americans—that’s 26% of the population—live with some kind of disability.  These are our neighbors, our friends, our co-workers, and our family members.  While the Americans with Disabilities Act has improved the lives of many since it became law nearly three decades ago, Peter Blanck tells us the history and the ongoing challenges for those with disabilities can be stark. 

    Blanck is University Professor at Syracuse University—an academic rank only awarded to eight prior individuals at the up-state New York school.  He is also chairman of the Burton Blatt Institute (BBI) at the school.  BBI works globally to advance the civic, economic, and social participation of people with disabilities.  A scholar of the history of disability rights in the United States, and an advocate for the rights of people with disabilities today, Blanck is a highly effective scholar and advocate. 

    Story in the Public Square broadcasts each week on public television stations across the United States. A full listing of the national television distribution is available at this link. In Rhode Island and southeastern New England, the show is broadcast on Rhode Island PBS on Sundays at 11 a.m. and is rebroadcast Thursdays at 7:30 p.m. An audio version of the program airs 8:30 a.m. & 6:30 p.m. ET, Sundays at 4:30 a.m. & 11:30 p.m. ET on SiriusXM’s popular P.O.T.U.S. (Politics of the United States), channel 124. “Story in the Public Square” is a partnership between the Pell Center and The Providence Journal. The initiative aims to study, celebrate and tell stories that matter.

  • It’s Not a Constitutional Crisis

    It’s easy right now to let our worries and anxieties about events in Washington consume us. A quick listen to the talking heads or a glance at some of the opinion pages would lead you to believe that we’re in the midst of a full-blown constitutional crisis.  It’s a thought that I’ve considered on more than one occasion in recent months, largely stemming from the proliferation of congressional investigations into the conduct of the president and the president’s efforts to actively resist those investigations.  But cries of crisis are, as of this writing, premature.

    We’re witnessing a test of wills and power between the legislative and executive branches of government. The leadership in the House of Representatives has opened (or breathed new life into) investigations of Russia’s attack on American democracy in 2016; the lending practices of Deutsche Bank—one of the major financial partners of the Trump Organization; the issuance of security clearances in the White House; the president’s personal finances; and, of course the Mueller report, among many others.

    In each of these cases, the president, his company, and/or his administration are resisting Congressional authority:

    • Deutsch Bank: earlier this week, the Trump Organization filed suit against Deutsch Bank and CapitalOne to block them from complying with Congressional subpoenas that may reveal financial details about the president and his business.
    • Security Clearances: while Carl Kline, the former head of the White House Presidential Personnel Office, testified behind closed doors on Wednesday about the security clearance practices of the Trump White House, the administration has thus far refused to comply with a request for documents in the matter.
    • Personal Finances: the House Ways and Means Committee requested 6 years of the president’s tax returns. The Treasury Department has so far failed to meet two deadlines to turn the documents over to Congress.
    • The Mueller Report: while Attorney General William Barr testified to the Senate Judiciary Committee on Wednesday about the Mueller report, he is refusing to testify to the House Judiciary Committee and the Justice Department is refusing to turn over the full, un-redacted Mueller report and its underlying evidence. Furthermore, the White House has indicated it will resist any effort by Congress to interview former White House Counsel Don McGhan whose testimony to Special Counsel Robert Mueller is among the most incriminating parts of the Mueller report.

    A week ago, President Trump proclaimed his administration would resist all of Congress’ investigations—ignoring the long-standing interpretation of Article I, Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution, and a 1938 ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court that said “A legislative inquiry may be as broad, as searching and as exhaustive as is necessary to make effective the constitutional powers of Congress.” This is why people are nervous about the endurance of our system of checks and balances.  It’s why commentators are talking about the rule of law.  It feels under assault.  The fact that the president who campaigned in the language of a would-be king (“I alone,”) is defending executive prerogative seems unsettling.

    But we have to acknowledge that Donald Trump is not the first president to resist Congressional investigations.  As Michael McConnel noted in a thoughtful op-ed in The Washington Post, the Obama administration fought Congressional investigators in the “Operation Fast and Furious” case involving then-Attorney General Eric Holder.  President George W. Bush refused to cooperate with a Congressional investigation of his decision to fire nine U.S. attorneys in 2006.  Even President George Washington refused to share documents from his administration relating to the rout of Army forces by a force of Native Americans in present-day Ohio in 1791.  In most cases, Congress seeks information and the executive branch resists and after some negotiation and accommodation, both branches of government are able to fulfill their constitutional duties.

    This is the essential nature of divided government as enshrined in our Constitution, defended in Federalist #51, and celebrated for more than 2 centuries. The branches of the federal government—the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary are co-equal branches of government.

    In Federalist #51, Madison explains that the three branches of government were constructed by the founders to rival each other for power. “Ambition,” Madison wrote, “must be made to counteract ambition.”  The Founders were worried, principally, about the accumulation of power in any one branch of government such that conditions favorable to tyranny might arise.  Their solution, divide the powers of republican government between the states and the federal government; then divide the power of the federal government between legislative, executive, and judicial functions into three co-equal branches of government.  This is the three-legged stool we learned about in grade-school.

    I am ever-mindful of the admonition that “eternal vigilance is the price of liberty,” and we, as citizens, have to be awake, and aware, and engaged. Congress has to conduct oversight.  But executive branch resistance to that oversight isn’t new.  And so I find myself, today, taking some comfort in the idea that our system is working—as unsatisfying as that may be for some.  Yes, the system created by the founders is being tested, it’s being strained, but it is still working—as designed—230 years after it was created.

  • The World Is NOT Falling Apart, with Michael Cohen and Micah Zenko

    It’s easy to be convinced by talk show hosts, editorial writers, and politicians that American security hangs on the razor’s edge and that the world is more dangerous, now, than it has ever been. Michael Cohen and Micah Zenko remind us that the facts simply don’t match that narrative.  In fact, they tell us, the world has never been better. 

    Michael A. Cohen, a columnist for the Boston Globe, and Micah Zenko, a columnist for Foreign Policy, have co-authored Clear and Present Safety: The World Has Never been Better and Why that Matters to Americans. It is a bastion of reason and optimism in a world that, for many, feels anything but reasonable or optimistic.

    From over-stated warnings about terrorism to the absence of great-power conflict in international relations, the authors take us on a guided tour of what’s right in the world and try to refocus the discussion on challenges closer to home that materially and dramatically affect the safety of Americans—things like gun violence, obesity, and the opioid epidemic.

    Story in the Public Square” broadcasts each week on public television stations across the United States. A full listing of the national television distribution is available at this link. In Rhode Island and southeastern New England, the show is broadcast on Rhode Island PBS on Sundays at 11 a.m. and is rebroadcast Thursdays at 7:30 p.m. An audio version of the program airs 8:30 a.m. & 6:30 p.m. ET, Sundays at 4:30 a.m. & 11:30 p.m. ET on SiriusXM’s popular P.O.T.U.S. (Politics of the United States), channel 124. “Story in the Public Square” is a partnership between the Pell Center and The Providence Journal. The initiative aims to study, celebrate and tell stories that matter.

  • Impeachment and the Lessons of the Iraq War

    Whether or not to impeach the president is going to be the over-riding question in American politics for the rest of Donald Trump’s time in office.  This question is not going to flame out.  It’s here to stay, and history will judge both Democrats and Republicans by how they handle this most serious question facing the republic.

    So far, Republicans in the Congress remain publicly united behind the president.  Democrats have a greater diversity of opinions—from those calling for impeachment, now, to those who worry publicly that pursuing impeachment will cost the Democrats politically.

    Senator Bernie Sanders articulated such a sentiment earlier this week during his televised town-hall meeting. He said:

    “But if — and this is an if — if for the next year, year-and-a-half, going right into the heart of the election, all that the Congress is talking about is impeaching Trump and Trump, Trump, Trump, and Mueller, Mueller, Mueller, and we’re not talking about health care, we’re not talking about raising the minimum wage to a living wage, we’re not talking about combating climate change, we’re not talking about sexism and racism and homophobia, and all of the issues that concern ordinary Americans, what I worry about is that works to Trump’s advantage.”

    As I sat on my couch, listening to Senator Sanders, my beagle curled up and snoring next to me, I had an overwhelming aversion to what he was saying.  It was visceral, tapping into some hidden reservoir of dread.  It took me a little while to place it, but when I did, it stopped me cold: Senator Sanders was channeling the same logic pursued by Democrats in the run-up to the 2002 vote to authorize the use of force in Iraq.

    Let’s go back.  Within months of the 9/11 attacks, the administration of President George W. Bush was saber-rattling about Iraq.  By the spring of 2002, the president had declared to reporters that his administration was going to get rid of Saddam Hussein’s regime in Baghdad.  As tensions mounted over the summer months, the question arose whether the president would seek congressional authorization to use force against Iraq.  Then in mid-September, President Bush did just that.

    The GOP-controlled House moved quickly to authorize the use of force.  In the Senate, Democrats were caught between grave misgivings held by its liberal old-guard (Kennedy, Feinstein, Leahy, and Levin) about the likely cost and outcome of the war, and those who believed that subjecting the Senate to a long-debate about the use of force would keep Senate Democrats—eager to get back to their home states to campaign for the mid-terms only a few weeks away—from talking about the issues they thought the American public wanted to talk about—especially the economy.  As The New York Times put it in 2002, “Mr. Daschle. . . . and other Democratic leaders had hoped to move the resolution quickly through the Senate to focus on his party’s core message highlighting economic distress before the November midterm elections.”  Former Senator John Edwards was quoted by Dana Milbank in The Washington Post as saying,“In a short period of time, Congress will have dealt with Iraq and we’ll be on to other issues.”

    In those critical weeks of 2002, the Democrats’ logic was profoundly flawed.  The country was never going to turn its attention to domestic, bread-and-butter issues favored by Democrats when the country was gearing up for war.  They got the politics wrong, and they got the policy wrong, too.  That’s unconscionable.  The same risk exists today.  The country is not going to stop talking about impeachment as long as Donald Trump is in office.  We can’t flip a switch and pretend we didn’t read in the Mueller report that the president instructed the White House Counsel to terminate the special counsel’s investigation. 

    The lesson from 2002 is simple: don’t duck the difficult challenges of governing out of some political calculation—especially when the issues at play cut to the core of constitutional duties. 

    Impeachment is the only constitutional mechanism to hold a sitting president accountable for misdeeds conducted in office.  Yes, Democrats want to beat him in 2020.  I get it.  But they have a job to do in the meantime, and the lesson of 2002 is staring them right in the face.

  • Human Caused Environmental Catastrophe with Elizabeth Kolbert

    Air Dates: April 22-28, 2019

    The fossil record of planet earth tells us that there have been five mass extinctions—the most famous being the fifth that destroyed the dinosaurs. Elizabeth Kolbert warns that we’re in the midst, now, of the sixth extinction and its cause is human activity.

    Kolbert’s Pulitzer Prize-winning book, The Sixth Extinction, documents the risk to species across the planet. The threat is human activity.  The fabric of life has been altered largely in part by poaching, over-fishing, and deforestation—among other human activities. The resulting loss in biodiversity is reshaping life on Earth.

    Kolbert was the recipient of the 2019 Pell Center Prize for Story in the Public Square, presented at a ceremony on the Salve Regina University campus earlier this spring. 

    Story in the Public Square” broadcasts each week on public television stations across the United States. A full listing of the national television distribution is available at this link. In Rhode Island and southeastern New England, the show is broadcast on Rhode Island PBS on Sundays at 11 a.m. and is rebroadcast Thursdays at 7:30 p.m. An audio version of the program airs 8:30 a.m. & 6:30 p.m. ET, Sundays at 4:30 a.m. & 11:30 p.m. ET on SiriusXM’s popular P.O.T.U.S. (Politics of the United States), channel 124. “Story in the Public Square” is a partnership between the Pell Center and The Providence Journal. The initiative aims to study, celebrate and tell stories that matter.

  • The Mueller Report is the Public’s Information

    Information is, truthfully, the coin of the realm in politics and campaigns—it always has been—even more so now in the era of social media where memes, hashtags, and short quips can have lasting and strategic political consequences.

    Let me share with you a dark secret: since the campaign of 2016, I have marveled at the sophistication I see in the way President Trump and his political operation use information; how they’ve shaped the political information eco-system to their own purposes; and even how they’ve gamed the system to produce positive benefits for the president.  We see message-testing combined with impressive discipline whenever the people around the president find a message they think works—look no further than the nicknames President Trump gives his rivals. 

    At the core of this strategy is the ability to decide what and when things get covered.  In the 2016 campaign, then-candidate Trump’s social media campaign drove much of the dialogue online and in broadcast.  For an example, consider “Crooked Hillary.”  President Trump coined that nickname in the course of the 2016 election and stuck with it on Twitter, as well as in live events.  Here, the president’s natural ability on the stump was a boon—the mix of tense audiences, the spectacle of physical danger to journalists, and the carnival atmosphere of rallies drove an estimated $5.6 billion of free media coverage for the campaign.  When the candidate bounded up on stage to talk, it got covered—regardless of the accuracy of his remarks.  Then, messages were reinforced with online ad-buys and further echoed by an on-line community of genuine supporters and Russian trolls that further reacted to and reinforced the messaging set by the Trump campaign.

    But those are not the only examples of the Trump camp’s sophisticated use of information.  As I wrote a couple of weeks ago, the Barr summary provided nearly a month of pre-release spin that the president and his surrogates declared amounted to a “total exoneration.”  Even efforts to correct those characterizations from Mueller’s typically tight-lipped team ran into the wall created by a narrative that had already been set.

    But the Trump team’s sophisticated use of information extends to the way it controls who gets that information.  While every administration rewards friendly reporters, in the Trump White House, the control and parceling of information has entered a new and dangerous phase.  Regularly scheduled White House press briefings have declined substantially so journalists no-longer get to ask questions, daily, of the White House Press Secretary.  At the Pentagon, there hasn’t been a normal press briefing in more than 300 days. 

    In controlling the flow of information, the White House controls the conversation, it controls the narrative, and it controls the public’s understanding of complex issues.  It’s not unique to this White House, but the sophistication and, frankly, ruthlessness with which the Trump administration uses information for political intent is really quite remarkable.

    Lost in all of this is the simple fact that, as a republic, our institutions, our laws, our government aren’t supposed to serve any individual political leader or even party.  They are to serve all of us.  Our government is a public thing—that’s literally what the word “republic” means.  The most important member of any republic is the citizen—that’s all of us.  And the information in the possession of our government belongs to all of us.  It should be accessible to the public through journalism and, when warranted by classification, through congressional oversight—both of which have been thwarted in this case by the attorney general.

    At every turn the White House and the president have tried to shape the understanding of what the Mueller investigation was doing.  When the report was done, Attorney General William Barr summarized 400 pages of findings in 3.5 pages–an exercise that shaped the narrative for nearly a month.  Now, the report is set to be released, and the attorney general will brief the press again hours before the report goes to Congress, before the press can challenge the AG’s claims with facts, or even ask questions informed by the contents of the report.  And even when the report is released, we expect it to be heavily redacted—further controlling the information the public has access to.  Finally, in one last effort to shape the coverage, the report will be released the day before Passover, and three days before Easter.  The media coverage and the public’s attention will be shaped by those realities.

  • Video Games with Kimberly Wallace

    If you were to compare the revenues of the highest grossing feature film in history and the highest grossing video game in history—you might be surprised to learn that the video game earned substantially more—five times more, in fact, than the film. As Kimberly Wallace tells us, video games are big business and their societal impact still misunderstood. 

    Wallace is the features editor for Game Informer, a magazine covering the video game industry where narrative story telling is a well-established feature. 

    Wallace indicates gaming is no longer the realm of single teenage boys, however, but a staple of social behavior with online communities.  Men and women play video games today and the average age of the gamer is in his and her 30s.

    Story in the Public Square” broadcasts each week on public television stations across the United States. A full listing of the national television distribution is available at this link. In Rhode Island and southeastern New England, the show is broadcast on Rhode Island PBS on Sundays at 11 a.m. and is rebroadcast Thursdays at 7:30 p.m. An audio version of the program airs 8:30 a.m. & 6:30 p.m. ET, Sundays at 4:30 a.m. & 11:30 p.m. ET on SiriusXM’s popular P.O.T.U.S. (Politics of the United States), channel 124. “Story in the Public Square” is a partnership between the Pell Center and The Providence Journal. The initiative aims to study, celebrate and tell stories that matter.

  • Mental Health Stories with Sarah Fawn Montgomery

    Air Dates: April 8 – 14, 2019

    Millions of Americans live with mental illness every day. Sarah Fawn Montgomery is a poet and author who explores the stigmas and biases associated with mental illness—both historically and today.

    Her book, Quite Mad: An American Pharma Memoir details Montgomery’s personal experience in coping with the challenges that come with mental illness.  In her experience, care proved to be a trial and error process with medications sometimes doing more harm than good.  But in the end, she sees in her own story, “a beacon of hope and truth for the individuals living with mental illness.”

    Story in the Public Square” broadcasts each week on public television stations across the United States. A full listing of the national television distribution is available at this link. In Rhode Island and southeastern New England, the show is broadcast on Rhode Island PBS on Sundays at 11 a.m. and is rebroadcast Thursdays at 7:30 p.m. An audio version of the program airs 8:30 a.m. & 6:30 p.m. ET, Sundays at 4:30 a.m. & 11:30 p.m. ET on SiriusXM’s popular P.O.T.U.S. (Politics of the United States), channel 124. “Story in the Public Square” is a partnership between the Pell Center and The Providence Journal. The initiative aims to study, celebrate and tell stories that matter.

  • 70 Years of NATO Makes us Stronger

    I’m in Washington, DC, for the 70th anniversary of the Washington Treaty—the treaty that founded the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in 1949.  I was a guest of Senator Whitehouse at the address by NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg to a joint session of Congress. 

    The day resonated with me on multiple levels: as a historian—who is mindful that alliances take willpower to make work; and as a defense-geek who appreciates just how much NATO has meant to American security over the last 70 years.

    As a historian: I know that NATO didn’t have to happen. It was an outgrowth of the history of the first half of the 20th century and a desire on both sides of the Atlantic to keep the Russians out and the Americans in Western Europe.  As I sat in the House-chamber yesterday, I was struck by the Secretary General’s characterization of the North Atlantic as not an ocean that divides the United States from Europe, but as a body of water that connects North America and Europe. 

    But I’m also mindful that NATO changed American history in multiple ways: in 1951, General Dwight D. Eisenhower had been recalled to active duty and was serving as the first Supreme Allied Commander in Europe—that’s the top military post in NATO.  Opposition to American commitment to NATO was led, at the time, by Senator Robert Taft of Ohio.  Senator Taft believed that America didn’t need to embroil itself in the affairs of Europe and promoted a return to American isolationism. 

    Eisenhower in contrast, saw the security of Europe as central to the security of the United States.  Twice in less than 25 years, America’s sons had been dragged into European wars.  Eisenhower, and others like him, believed that a new approach to world affairs was necessary to lash the stabilizing presence of American security commitments to the interests of other nations around the world.

    So in 1951, Eisenhower met secretly with Senator Taft—who everyone saw as the front-runner for the Republican nomination in 1952—and offered a deal: if Taft would support American participation in NATO and the United Nations, Eisenhower would publicly state that he would not run for president in 1952, effectively clearing the way to the GOP nomination for Taft.  But the Senator from Ohio refused.  Eisenhower tore up the deal, and ultimately was elected President of the United States.

    As a defense geek: I’m mindful of the role NATO has played in American security, and that America has played in the defense of European security.  Outside of NATO headquarters in Brussels, Belgium, there are two artifacts of the defining challenges of the alliance to date: a piece of the Berlin Wall; and steel from the north tower of the World Trade Center.  They stand as reminders of the evils NATO has confronted.  In the Cold War, the American commitment to Europe bolstered the confidence of front-line democracies in the face of considerable Soviet power.  As the NATO Secretary General himself described yesterday to Congress, as a young soldier defending his homeland (Norway), he took comfort in the thought that in the face of Soviet forces, he knew—he KNEW—the United States would come to his country’s defense if war ever came. 

    Of course, war didn’t come in Europe in the Cold War, but it came to the United States on a beautiful Tuesday morning in September 2001.  And NATO immediately invoked Article V of the treaty—declaring that an attack on one member was an attack on all.  NATO aircraft patrolled American skies in the months after 9/11; and NATO troops joined American forces in Afghanistan, fighting, bleeding, and dying side by side with their allies.

    I used to live in Arlington, VA, literally across the street from the Marine Corps Memorial.  Anyone who’s ever visited Washington has probably seen the monument.  It depicts Marines in the battle of Iwo Jima raising the flag on the top of Mount Suribachi.  I used to like to walk over to the monument and just look at it.  The power and the poignancy of the Marines and Navy corpsman it depicts have always spoken to me.  But I was especially drawn to their hands—strong hands, gripped firm around the flag pole, hoisting it to the heavens. 

    It’s a metaphor for the power of alliances. 

    Even the strongest among us are stronger with friends–stronger with allies–and the United States has been made stronger by NATO.

  • Jim Ludes & G.Wayne Miller

    Ludes and Miller Honored with “History Starts Here” Award

    Join the Newport Historical Society on Thursday, June 20th, at 4:o0pm at the Colony House, Washington Square, Newport, RI to celebrate making history today in a new annual award program. This event is free and open to the public. Please RSVP on NewportHistory.org or by calling 401-846-0813 x110.

    The Newport Historical Society has initiated a new awards program which builds upon its interest in how historical perspectives help us think about the present and improve the future. The History Starts Here Award will be offered annually to an individual or organization who is making history now, or making opportunities for thinking about how history is important to today.

    The 2019 History Starts Here Award goes to “Story in the Public Square.”  A program of Salve Regina University’s Pell Center for International Relations and Public Policy, “Story in the Public Square” is hosted by Jim Ludes, Executive Director of the Pell Center, and G. Wayne Miller, senior staff writer at The Providence Journal and available on more than 200 public television stations across the country as well as SiriusXM satellite radio’s popular P.O.T.U.S channel. “Story in the Public Square” features interviews with today’s best print, screen, music, and other storytellers about their creative processes and how their stories impact public understanding and policy.

    “Story-telling is an essential component of history, and especially of public history. By focusing on how story impacts understanding and discourse today, Jim and Wayne are making history, and using the techniques of historical discipline to capture important work in a variety of fields,” said Ruth S. Taylor, Executive Director of the Newport Historical Society.

    “We are humbled and grateful to be honored as the inaugural recipients of the History Starts Here Award from the Newport Historical Society,” said Ludes.  “In creating ‘Story in the Public Square,’ we’ve worked with great guests and an incredible crew at Rhode Island PBS, and with tremendous support from Salve Regina University and The Providence Journal, to spur critical thinking about the narratives, both historical and contemporary, that shape public life in the United States.  We look forward to accepting this award in June and celebrating the power of story in public life.”

    “In my writing, I have had many occasions to call on the extensive resources of the Newport Historical Society and can speak first-hand to its eminence, so this honor has special personal meaning,” said Miller. “More importantly, this recognition of ‘Story in the Public Square’ affirms our mission and encourages us to continue bringing storytellers, including many historians, to the screen and radio. Thank you so much!”

    Founded in February 2012, Story in the Public Square is an initiative to celebrate, study and tell stories that matter. A partnership of the Pell Center and The Providence Journal, a GateHouse Media property, the program sponsors public seminars; annually names a national story of the year; and produces the eponymous Telly-winning, nationally broadcast weekly program on public television and SiriusXM satellite radio, now in its third year.

    About the Newport Historical Society

    Since 1854, the Newport Historical Society has collected and preserved the artifacts, photographs, documents, publications, and genealogical records that relate to the history of Newport County, to make these materials readily available for both research and enjoyment, and to act as a resource center for the education of the public about the history of Newport County, so that knowledge of the past may contribute to a fuller understanding of the present. For more information please visit www.NewportHistory.org.